铁幕演说是1946年3月5日，英国前首相温斯顿·丘吉尔在美国富尔顿城威斯敏斯特学院发表的反苏联、反共产主义的演说，运用“铁幕”一词之意攻击苏联和东欧社会主义国家“用铁幕笼罩起来”，因此此演说被称为“铁幕演说”。铁幕演说也被认为是正式拉开了美苏冷战的序幕。

1946年1月，英国前首相丘吉尔应邀访美。3月5日，他在美国总统杜鲁门陪同下抵达密苏里州富尔顿，在杜鲁门的母校威斯敏斯特学院发表了题为“和平砥柱”的演说。

丘吉尔在演说中公开攻击苏联“扩张”，宣称“从波罗的海的斯德丁(什切青)到亚得里亚海边的的里雅斯特，一幅横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经降落下来”，苏联对“铁幕”以东的中欧、东欧国家进行日益增强的高压控制。对苏联的扩张，不能采取“绥靖政策”。美国正高踞于世界权力的顶峰，应担负起未来的责任。主张英、美结成同盟，英语民族联合起来，制止苏联的“侵略”。

富尔顿演说后不到10天，斯大林发表谈话，严厉谴责丘吉尔和他的朋友非常像希特勒及其同伴，演说是杜鲁门借他人之口发表的“冷战”宣言，是美国发动“冷战”的前奏曲。

第二次世界大战后，美国经济、军事实力急剧膨胀，成为世界头号资本主义强国。与此同时，苏联力量也逐渐强大，国际地位大大提高，东欧一些国家在苏联的影响下走上了社会主义道路，再加上苏联推行意识形态输出，在欧洲极力扩张自己的势力，美苏之间的矛盾日益加深。西方国家提出了用除直接武装进攻以外的一切手段和行动来遏制共产主义，一场“冷战”(Cold War)在以美国为首的资本主义国家和以苏联为首的社会主义国家之间展开。

1946年3月5日，英国前首相丘吉尔在应邀访问美国期间在密苏里州富尔顿城的威斯敏斯特学院发表了题为《和平砥柱》的演讲。

在演讲中，丘吉尔对苏联大加攻击。他说：“从波罗的海边的什切青到亚得里亚海边的里雅斯特，已经拉下了横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕。这张铁幕后面坐落着所有中欧、东欧古老国家的首都——华沙、柏林、布拉格、维也纳、布达佩斯、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特和索非亚。这些著名的都市和周围的人口全都位于苏联势力范围之内，全都以这种或那种方式，不仅落入苏联影响之下，而且越来越强烈地为莫斯科所控制。”“几乎在每一处都是警察政府占了上风。到目前为止，除了捷克斯洛伐克以外，根本没有真正的民主。”

丘吉尔还指出，在铁幕外面，共产党的“第五纵队”遍布各国，“到处构成对基督教文明的日益严重的挑衅和危险”。丘吉尔呼吁英美联合起来，建立“特殊关系”，推动西方民主国家“团结一致”。

这一演讲和所使用的“铁幕”一词，立即引起了国际社会的关注。

苏联方面反应强烈，斯大林说，丘吉尔“现在采取了战争贩子的立场”；美国朝野也受到强烈震撼，杜鲁门很高兴。但在美国国会中出现了若干激烈的敌对言论，认为丘吉尔是想把美国引向“最恐怖的战争”，让英国渔翁得利。

丘吉尔的铁幕演说是第二次世界大战之后西方政界一位最有身份的人对苏联进行的最公开、最大胆的指责，这也是以美国为首的西方世界对以苏联为首的社会主义阵营开始“冷战”所发出的最初信号。有不少专家认为，丘吉尔的铁幕演说揭开了长达40多年冷战的序幕。

“铁幕”一词尽管不是丘吉尔的首创，但经他这么一用，从此便成为战后国际关系中有关东西方对抗的专有名词。

当然，丘吉尔发表如此言辞激烈的演说，并非一时心血来潮，而是当时国际形势、英国的利益和丘吉尔的反共情结使然。

第二次世界大战结束前后，新的世界格局已见分晓，大英帝国风光不再，沦为二流强国；美国取代英国，转而成为世界第一强国，力主在全世界发号施令；苏联作为社会主义国家不仅成为欧洲最强大的国家，而且在世界范围内也只有它有实力向美国叫板。 尽管美、英、苏在二战中曾经是一致对敌的盟友，但随着战争的结束，由于彼此间利益的冲突，它们之间的摩擦不断升温。

在东欧、中东、希腊、土耳其等地，美国、英国和苏联更是争斗得异常激烈。美国在战后世界新格局中的一举一动总是受到另一强国苏联的制约，以苏联为首的社会主义阵营也在形成之中。因而，美国政府正在制定着如何对付苏联的决策。此时英国惟有的希望是争取美国舆论，寻求美国支持，重建欧洲均势。

丘吉尔的富尔顿演说是当时美国总统杜鲁门精心安排的杰作。杜氏意在利用丘吉尔这位著名的“反共斗士”投石问路。丘吉尔在演说中不仅充分表达了英国的意愿，同时也道出了美国想说而不便公开说的主张，适应了杜鲁门政府的需要。经过舆论界的一番哄炒之后，美国当权集团尽管感到同苏联公开决裂的时机尚未成熟，民众还没有足够的思想准备，即使政界领导人也有意见分歧，但是，散布苏联扩张和威胁的论调开始在美国舆论界占据了上风。

President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

The United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.

麦克卢尔校长、各位女士先生、以及最后但同样重要的——美利坚合众国总统阁下：

女士们先生们，作为普通访客，能由美国总统亲自向学术界的诸位引荐，这份殊荣恐怕是前所未有的。总统先生在日理万机之中——这些责任虽非他主动寻求，但也从未退缩——不远千里亲临现场，既为今日的会议增添庄重与分量，也为我创造了向这个兄弟之邦（指英美特殊关系）、远隔重洋的祖国同胞，或许还有其他国家发表演讲的机会。

总统先生已表明他的愿望（我确信这也是诸位的心愿），希望我能在这充满焦虑与困惑的时代，完全自由地提出真诚建议。我必将充分利用这份自由——尤其当我意识到，自己年轻时或许怀抱过个人抱负，但这些抱负早已超乎想象地实现了。不过我必须声明：此刻我没有任何官方职务或特殊身份，所说的话仅代表个人立场。这里没有任何隐藏的东西，你们所见的即是我全部要表达的。

因此，我愿以毕生经验，深入思考这个迫在眉睫的问题——虽然我们已在军事上取得全面胜利，但胜利次日便涌现的种种难题。我将竭尽所能确保：那些用巨大牺牲与苦难换来的成果，能够被守护好，为人类未来的荣光与安全奠定基础。

女士们先生们，此刻的美国正立于世界之巅。这对美利坚民主制度而言，是庄严的历史时刻。因为掌握领导地位的同时，也承担着关乎未来的重大责任。环顾当下，你们不仅要感受到使命达成的欣慰，更必须警醒自己不能低于已取得的成就标准。

机遇此刻就在眼前，清晰闪耀地存在于我们两国面前。若是拒绝、忽视或虚掷这个机会，后世必将对我们报以长久的责难。英语国家人民在和平时期，必须像战争时期那样，用坚定的信念、明确的目标、果敢的决断来指引行动。我相信我们必将证明，自己能够胜任这项严峻的历史使命。

在此我要特别指出那些普通住宅：工薪阶层在生活起伏中奋力工作，既要让妻儿免于贫困，又要培养家庭成员敬畏上帝（或遵循道德准则，这些准则也常发挥重要作用）。

要保障万千家庭的安宁，我们必须保护这些家庭免受两大掠夺者的侵害——战争与暴政。我们都清楚，当战争魔爪突然攫取家庭支柱（指主要经济来源者）及其供养的亲人时，普通家庭将陷入何等可怕的动荡。欧洲辉煌尽失的惨状，亚洲大片地区的废墟，此刻正赤裸裸地展现在我们眼前。

当邪恶之徒的阴谋或强大国家的侵略欲望，在广大地区摧毁文明社会的根基时，普通民众就会陷入无力应对的困境。对他们来说，一切都已扭曲，一切都已破碎，甚至被彻底碾成齑粉。

在我们放弃用于自卫的国家军备体系前，必须确保这座圣殿不是建立在流沙或沼泽之上，而是扎根于坚固磐石。明眼人都能看出前路必将漫长艰难，但只要我们像两次世界大战期间那样共同坚持——尽管可惜的是大战之间的和平时期没能做到——我深信我们终将实现共同目标。

不过，我有个明确且可行的行动方案提议。法庭和法官可以设立，但若没有法警和警察协助，这些机构就无法真正运作。联合国组织必须立即着手组建国际武装力量。此类事务只能循序渐进，但必须现在就开始行动。

我建议邀请各主要国家抽调若干空军中队（air squadrons），为世界性组织服务。这些空军部队在本国接受训练备战，但需轮流驻扎不同国家。官兵可继续穿着本国军服，但需佩戴特殊徽章【区别于国家军队标识】。除非涉及对抗母国的情况，其余行动均接受联合国指挥。初期可小规模试行，随着互信增强逐步扩大规模。早在一战结束后我就希望实现这个设想，现在衷心期盼能立即付诸实施。

女士们先生们，但若将美英加三国掌握的原子弹机密与经验托付给尚在襁褓中的世界组织（指联合国），这将是个错误且不智的决定。在当前动荡分裂的世界任其失控，无异于疯狂的犯罪行径。事实上，正因为相关技术、制造方法和原料主要掌握在美国手中，各国人民才得以安枕无忧。

如果情况反过来——假设某个共产主义或新法西斯国家暂时垄断了这些可怕武器——我们绝不可能如此安稳度日。单是这种恐惧就足以让极权制度强加于自由民主世界，其后果之可怕远超人类想象。值得庆幸的是，上帝并未允许这种情况发生。在必须直面核威胁之前，我们至少还有喘息之机来整顿世界秩序。即便到那时，只要我们全力以赴，仍能保持足够威慑优势，有效阻止他国使用或威胁使用核武器。

最终，当人类根本的兄弟情谊真正体现于世界组织，当该组织具备所有必要的实际保障措施时，这些权力自然应当托付给这样的全球性机构。

现在我要谈谈两大掠夺者中的第二个，那个威胁着普通住宅与平民百姓的致命危险——暴政。我们不能无视这个事实：在美国全境与大英帝国各地公民享有的自由权利，在许多国家并不存在——其中不乏实力雄厚的大国。在这些国家，普通民众遭受着各种全能型警察政府的压制，其控制程度令人窒息，完全违背民主原则。国家权力被独裁者或特权政党操纵的寡头集团肆意滥用，他们通过政治警察实施统治。

虽然当前困难重重，我们不应强行干涉这些未被军事征服国家的内政。但我们必须始终以无畏的姿态宣扬自由伟业与人权理念——这些价值观是英语世界的共同遗产，它们通过《大宪章》【1215年英国限制王权的里程碑文件】、《权利法案》【1689年确立议会主权的宪法性文件】、《人身保护令》【1679年确立的司法保护制度】、陪审团审判制度以及英国普通法，最终在美国《独立宣言》中得到最辉煌的展现。

所有这些意味着：任何国家的人民都有权利，也应当通过宪法程序、无拘束的自由选举和秘密投票，选择或改变他们生活其中的政府形态；言论与思想自由应当得到保障；司法机构应独立于行政体系，不受任何党派影响，执行那些获得多数民众认同、或经过时间考验的法律传统。

这些就是应当存于每个家庭的自由权利证书【比喻基本权利保障】。这是英美人民传递给全人类的信息。让我们言行一致——既宣扬我们所实践的，也实践我们所宣扬的。

虽然我已阐明威胁人民生活的两大危险——战争与暴政，但还未谈及在许多情况下最普遍的焦虑：贫困与匮乏。不过，只要消除战争与暴政的威胁，毫无疑问，科学技术与国际合作将能让世界——这个在战争磨砺中汲取教训的世界——在未来几年，尤其是未来几十年里，实现人类历史上前所未有的物质繁荣飞跃。

在这令人痛心又窒息的时刻，我们正深陷于这场宏大斗争带来的后续影响——饥饿与困苦之中。但这些终将过去，且可能迅速消逝。只要人类不再重蹈愚蠢的覆辙、不再犯下非人的暴行【指纳粹暴行等反人类罪】，所有国家都理应迎来富足时代的开端，共享繁荣果实。

此刻，在继续推进实现总体战略构想的过程中，我要说出此行的核心观点：若没有我所说的英语国家兄弟般的联合体，既不可能确保战争被有效预防，也无法推动世界组织持续发展。这特指英联邦与美国之间需要建立的特殊伙伴关系。

女士们先生们，此刻不宜空谈泛泛之论，我将冒险具体说明。兄弟般的联合不仅需要我们两大社会体系——尽管规模庞大但渊源深厚——之间日益增进的友谊与理解，更需要延续军事顾问间的密切合作。这包括：共同研究潜在威胁、统一武器装备与作战手册、军事院校开展军官与学员交流。

这种联合还应延续现有的安全协作机制——共同使用两国在全球范围内的海军和空军基地【当时英国仍保有大量海外基地】。此举或许能使美国海空军的机动能力翻倍，大幅扩展英联邦部队的部署范围，若世界局势趋稳，还可能节省巨额军费开支。目前我们已共同使用诸多岛屿，未来短期内可能有更多岛屿纳入联合管辖。

美国已与加拿大自治领【当时加拿大的宪政地位】建立了永久性防御协议——这个国家始终坚定归属英联邦体系。该协议的实际效力远超许多正式盟约。我们应当将这一原则推广至所有英联邦国家，并确保完全互惠。唯有如此，无论时局如何变迁，我们才能既保障自身安全，又能携手追求崇高而纯粹的共同事业——这些事业于我们弥足珍贵，且对任何国家都不构成威胁。

终有一日——我相信这必将实现——我们将迎来共同公民身份的原则。不过这个愿景不妨交由命运安排，毕竟我们许多人都已清晰看到命运伸出的臂膀。

不过有个关键问题必须正视：英美特殊关系是否会与我们忠于联合国的首要义务相矛盾？我的回答是：恰恰相反，这可能是联合国实现其完整地位与力量的唯一途径。正如我刚提到的美加特殊关系，以及美国与南美诸国的特殊联系；我们英国也与苏联签有为期20年的《合作与互助条约》【1942年签订的对德作战盟约】。我赞同英国外交大臣贝文先生的提议——对我们而言，这个条约不妨延长至50年。我们追求的目标仅限于与苏联的互助协作。英国与葡萄牙的同盟关系自1384年延续至今【历史上持续时间最长的军事同盟】，在近期战争的关键时刻发挥了重要作用。

黑暗时代可能重现，石器时代可能乘着科学的闪亮翅膀归来。如今能为人类带来无尽福祉的科技，甚至可能招致全人类的毁灭。我要警告诸位：时间或许所剩无几。切莫放任事态发展直至为时已晚。若要建立我所描述的兄弟般联合体——这种能为我们两国带来力量与安全的联合——就必须让世界知晓这个重大事实，让它成为稳固和平基石的支柱。这才是智慧之路。防患未然胜过亡羊补牢。

盟军胜利曙光照亮的土地上，如今却蒙上了一层阴影【隐喻冷战对峙格局的形成】。无人知晓苏联及其共产主义国际组织近期意欲何为，也难测其扩张与意识形态渗透倾向是否会有边界——如果这种边界确实存在的话。我对英勇的俄罗斯人民和战时战友斯大林元帅始终怀有崇高敬意。英国上下——我相信此地亦然——对所有俄罗斯民族都抱有深切同情与善意，并决心克服诸多分歧与挫折，致力于建立持久友谊。

我们理解俄罗斯需要通过消除德国侵略可能来确保西部边境安全。我们欢迎俄罗斯跻身世界领导国家之列，这是她应有的地位。我们欢迎俄罗斯旗帜飘扬在海洋之上。最重要的是，我们欢迎——或者说应该欢迎——大西洋两岸民众与俄罗斯人民之间持续、频繁且日益密切的交流。

但既然诸位希望我陈述客观事实，我便有责任向各位阐明欧洲当前局势的若干实情：

唯有雅典——这座承载希腊不朽荣光的城市——还能在英国、美国、法国监督下通过选举自主决定未来。受苏联操控的波兰政府，正被怂恿对德国进行大规模非法领土侵占，此刻更有数百万德国人遭到驱逐，其惨烈程度令人震惊且前所未见。原本在东欧各国势单力薄的共产党，已被扶持至与其规模极不相称的统治地位，正不遗余力谋求极权控制。几乎每个国家都建立起警察政府体制，至今除捷克斯洛伐克外，无一存在真正的民主制度。

土耳其与波斯正因苏联政府提出的领土要求及施加的压力而深感警觉与不安。苏联当局在柏林占领区内，正通过特别优待某些德国左翼团体，试图扶植一个准共产党派系。去年六月战事结束时，美国与英国军队依照早前协议，沿近四百英里长的战线向西撤退，最深处达150英里（约241公里），以便让苏联盟友接管这片西方民主国家浴血夺取的广阔区域。

女士们先生们，世界和平有赖于欧洲形成新的团结格局——任何国家都不应被永久排斥在外。我们目睹的两次世界大战，乃至历史上所有大战，皆源于欧洲强势民族间的纷争。仅在我们这代人生命中，就两次见证美国违背自身意愿与传统（尽管这些传统背后的逻辑不言自明），被不可抗拒的力量卷入战争，虽最终捍卫了正义事业，却都是在惨烈屠杀与破坏发生之后。美国两次被迫派遣数百万青年横渡大西洋参战；但如今战争已能随时降临任何国家，无论其地处暮色或晨曦之间。我们理应有意识地致力于欧洲的全面和解，这需要在联合国架构下、依照宪章精神推进。我认为这将开启具有重大历史意义的政策方向。

横亘欧洲的铁幕之外，仍有其他令人忧虑的焦点。在意大利，共产党因不得不支持铁托元帅（共产主义阵营培养的南斯拉夫领导人）对亚得里亚海北端原属意大利领土的要求，而陷入严重困境。尽管如此，意大利的未来仍悬而未决。此外，一个复兴的欧洲若没有强大的法国，将是不可想象的。在我整个公共生涯中，即便在最黑暗的时刻，也从未对法国的命运失去信心，此刻亦然。

但在远离苏联边境的众多国家乃至全球范围，共产主义第五纵队【指隐蔽的颠覆组织】已扎根壮大，他们完全服从并严格执行来自共产主义中心的指令。除共产主义尚处萌芽状态的英联邦与美国外，各地共产党及其第五纵队正日益构成对基督教文明【西方文化根基】的挑战与威胁。

在经历战友们用热血换取的胜利之后，在自由民主事业取得辉煌成就的此刻，重提这些阴郁事实令人心情沉重。但若不及早直面现实，我们将犯下不可饶恕的愚蠢错误。

然而我感到有必要向诸位描绘这笼罩世界的阴影——它在东西方同样存在。当年签订《凡尔赛和约》时，我身为内阁成员，与英国代表团团长劳合·乔治先生交往甚密。虽对条约诸多条款持有异议，但那个时代的精神面貌仍深印脑海，而今对比现实局势，令人痛心疾首。

彼时人们满怀希望与无限信心，认定战争永远终结，国际联盟将拥有至高权威。但在当今这个疲惫不堪的世界里，我既看不到也感受不到同样的信念，甚至找不到相似的希望。

女士们先生们，另一方面我坚决反对战争不可避免论调，更不认同战争迫在眉睫的说法。正因为确信命运仍掌握在我们手中，确信我们拥有拯救未来的力量，我才认为有必要在此刻——当机会与条件俱备时——坦率陈词。

我不认为苏联渴望战争。他们真正渴望的是战争红利，是其势力与意识形态的无限扩张。但趁现在尚有时日，我们必须考量的是如何永久预防战争，如何在所有国家尽快建立自由民主的制度基础。闭目塞听不会消除困难与危险，坐观其变不会消除困难与危险，绥靖政策更不会消除困难与危险。我们需要的是根本性解决方案——拖延越久，难度越大，危机越深。

女士们先生们，上次（指二战前）我已预见所有危机并向同胞和世界大声疾呼，却无人理会。直到1933年，甚至1935年，德国本可免遭此劫【指纳粹上台】，人类本可免受希特勒带来的苦难。历史上从未有哪场战争比这场刚刚让全球大片地区沦为废墟的战争更容易通过及时行动避免。我坚信当时本可一枪不发就阻止灾难，德国今日或仍是个强大、繁荣、受尊敬的国度。但无人倾听，我们终被逐个卷入这可怕的漩涡。

现在我要郑重告诫诸位：我们绝不能让悲剧重演。这需要我们在1946年就采取行动——在联合国框架下与苏联达成全面谅解，并通过英语世界及其盟友的全力支持，在漫长的和平岁月中维系这种谅解。这就是我在这次题为《和平砥柱》的演讲中，向诸位诚挚提出的解决方案。

任何人都不能低估大英帝国及其联邦的持久力量。你们或许看到，我们岛国的4600万民众正为粮食供应所困——即使在战时，我们的自给率也只有一半；或许也注意到，经过六年浴血奋战后，我们在重启工业与出口贸易上面临困难。但切莫因此认为我们无法挺过这段艰难岁月，正如我们曾挺过那些光辉而痛苦的岁月。

不要怀疑，五十年后你将看到7000万至8000万英国子民遍布全球，团结捍卫我们的传统、生活方式以及我们共同拥护的世界事业。倘若将英语联邦的人口与美国相加——这种合作意味着在空中、海上、全球各地、科技工业领域以及道义力量的全面协作——届时将不再有动摇不稳的势力均衡【指传统欧洲均势体系】去诱发野心或冒险行径。相反，我们将拥有压倒性的安全保障。

若我们忠实践行《联合国宪章》【1945年确立的集体安全原则】，以稳健审慎的步伐前行——不觊觎他国领土财富，不强加思想控制；若英国的道义力量、物质力量与信念，能与贵国在兄弟般的联盟中融为一体，那么未来之路不仅在我们这个时代清晰可辨，更将延续百年畅通无阻。